21/03/2023

Catherine Lim: The doyenne of Singapore writers

Catherine Lim
THE HONOURED INDUCTEES TO THE SINGAPORE WOMEN’S HALL OF FAME

Catherine Lim is widely regarded as the doyenne of Singapore writers. The prolific novelist and short story writer is also known for her sharp political commentary, her wit and her often irreverent sense of humour. Born in Malaysia, the eighth out of 14 children, Catherine spent her childhood listening to stories from Chinese folklore and traditions, especially stories about the supernatural, told to her by her mother and grandfather. She first discovered her love of the English language at the Catholic school where she was educated. Catherine went on to graduate with a Bachelor of Arts in English and a doctorate in Applied Linguistics. She was then awarded a Fulbright Scholarship to study in the United States.

Her professional life began as a school teacher.  Afterwards Catherine became an administrator in the Curriculum Department of the Ministry of Education and lecturer, before turning to writing, full time, in 1992. She is known for her popular works of romantic historical fiction, set in the exotic Singapore and Malaysia of days gone by.  Often centred on a strong-willed female character, her writing encapsulates the clash between traditional Chinese culture and modernity, women caught between the values of the East and West. Catherine’s first book Little Ironies: Short Stories of Singapore was an instant bestseller. That, and her second book Or Else, The Lightning God and Other Stories, became literature examination texts for the international GCE O’ Level Examinations managed by Cambridge University.  Many of her books have been translated for foreign markets.

Over the years Catherine has also cemented her reputation as a frequent critic of Singapore’s government, beginning with her controversial commentary, The PAP and the people – A Great Affective Divide, published in The Straits Times in 1994. Since then, as a self-confessed “strong advocate of political liberalisation in patriarchal and paternalistic Singapore”, Catherine has published numerous more political commentaries. Catherine calls herself an ardent feminist. Often seen wearing vibrant and striking cheongsams, she was once described by The New York Times as “arguably the most vivid personality in strait-laced Singapore.” Catherine has numerous international awards, including an Honorary Doctorate in Literature from Australia’s Murdoch University. She is a Knight of the Ordre des Arts et des Lettres (Order of Arts and Letters) in France, and an ambassador of the Hans Christian Andersen Foundation in Copenhagen. In 2012 she won a Lifetime Achievement Award from the Singaporean website, The Online Citizen.


Catherine Lim

Catherine Lim Poh Imm (Chinese: 林宝音; pinyin: Lín Bǎoyīn, born 21 March 1942) is a Singaporean fiction author known for writing about Singapore society and of themes of traditional Chinese culture. Hailed as the "doyenne of Singapore writers", Lim has published nine collections of short stories, five novels, two poetry collections, and numerous political commentaries to date. Her social commentary in 1994, titled The PAP and the people - A Great Affective Divide and published in The Straits Times, criticised the ruling political party's agendas.

Lim was born in Kulim (Malaya) and studied in the Convent of the Holy Infant Jesus. Early childhood reading was mainly influenced by British fiction, including Enid Blyton, Richmal Crompton and some comics. She received her Bachelor of Arts degree from the University of Malaya in 1963, moving to Singapore in 1967. In 1988, she received her PhD in applied linguistics from the National University of Singapore. Lim then attended Columbia University and the University of California, Berkeley as a Fulbright scholar (1990). She also worked as a teacher and later as project director with the Curriculum Development Institute of Singapore and as a specialist lecturer with the Regional English Language Centre, teaching sociolinguistics and literature. In 1992, she left her professional career to become a full-time writer. Lim was subsequently made a Knight of the Order of Arts and Letters (France) in 2003 and an ambassador of the Hans Christian Andersen Foundation (Copenhagen) in 2005. She received an honorary doctorate in literature from Murdoch University.

Lim came into conflict with the People's Action Party (PAP) in 1994 when she wrote an article published in The Straits Times (PAP and the People: A Great Affective Divide). From comments made by then Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong and other cabinet ministers, especially George Yeo, this episode gave rise to the political "out of bounds" marker that came to be known as "boh tua boh suay" (literally, "no big, no small" in the Chinese dialect of Hokkien, to mean "no respect for rank and seniority"). Lee Kuan Yew dismissed Lim's views as "the popular theory that the Western press writes about". In his memoirs, Lee is quoted as saying:
Supposing Catherine Lim was writing about me and not the prime minister. She would not dare, right? Because my posture, my response has been such that nobody doubts that if you take me on, I will put on knuckle-dusters and catch you in a cul-de-sac. There is no other way you can govern in a Chinese society.


Catherine Lim

Catherine Lim Poh Imm is the doyenne of Singapore stories. Lim is an accomplished and critically acclaimed author who has published a dozen collections of short stories, five novels, two volumes of poems and even a play. She began as a teacher, then was a project director with the Ministry of Education, became a specialist lecturer with the Regional Language Centre (RELC), and finally became a full-time writer in 1992. She has won national and regional book prizes for her literary contributions. Her works are studied in local and foreign schools and universities and have been published in various languages in several countries.

Born 21 March 1942, in Penang, Malaysia, Lim came from a large family of 14 children – four boys and ten girls; she was the eighth child.1 Her father was Chew Chin Hoi, a plantation accountant. Growing up in the town of Kulim, Kedah, on the border of Penang, Lim and her siblings were sent to English-stream schools. Lim herself was educated at the Convent of the Holy Infant Jesus schools in Kulim, and nearby Bukit Mertajam before attending Penang Free School for her Pre-University education. Lim is best known for her collections of short stories, particularly Little Ironies: Short Stories of Singapore and Or Else, The Lightning God and Other Stories. Her first publication, Little Ironies, propelled her into the local literary scene and became an instant local best-seller. It was the beginning of a wave of short story authors publishing collections of their work.  According to Lim, her first book of short stories came about while she was producing instructional materials, and her supervisors advised her to try having them published. Little Ironies was subsequently included in the syllabus for the Singapore-Cambridge N-Level English Literature examination in 1987.

Then in 1988, Or Else, The Lightning God and Other Stories was selected as one of eight literature texts for the international GCE ‘O' Level Examinations managed by Cambridge University. It was on the syllabus for the 1989 and 1990 examinations. Lim’s second novel, The Bondmaid, was picked up by Orion Books in Britain and Overlook Press in the United States. It was also translated into French, German and Dutch. Orion went on to publish three more of her novels. Upon becoming a full-time writer, Lim gave talks regularly at local and international seminars, conferences, arts festivals, writers' festivals and even on cruise ships like the Queen Elizabeth 2. She has also written numerous articles and commentaries on contemporary and cultural issues in local and international newspapers. However, in 2015, The Straits Times reported her announcement that she would reduce her output of commentaries and lectures, to concentrate on mentoring younger Singaporeans.


Catherine Lim

Catherine Lim Poh Imm (Chinese: 林 宝 音; pinyin: Lín Bǎoyīn, born 21 March 1942) is a Singaporean fiction author known for writing about Singapore society and of themes of traditional Chinese culture. Hailed as the "doyenne of Singapore writers", Lim has published nine collections of short stories, five novels, two poetry collections, and numerous political commentaries to date. Her social commentary in 1994, titled The PAP and the people - A Great Affective Divide and published in The Straits Times criticised the ruling political party's agendas.

Lim was born in Kulim (Malaya) and studied in the Convent of the Holy Infant Jesus. Early childhood reading was mainly influenced by British fiction, including Enid Blyton, Richmal Crompton and comics. Lim came into conflict with the People's Action Party (PAP) in 1994 when she wrote an article published in The Straits Times (PAP and the People: A Great Affective Divide). From comments made by then Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong and other cabinet ministers, especially George Yeo, this episode gave rise to the political "out of bounds" marker that came to be known as "boh tua boh suay" (literally, "no big, no small" in the Chinese dialect of Hokkien, to mean "no respect for rank and seniority").

Lee Kuan Yew dismissed Lim's views as "the popular theory that the Western press writes about". In his memoirs, Lee is quoted as saying: 
Supposing Catherine Lim was writing about me and not the prime minister. She would not dare, right? Because my posture, my response has been such that nobody doubts that if you take me on, I will put on knuckle-dusters and catch you in a cul-de-sac. There is no other way you can govern in a Chinese society.


Political commentator Catherine Lim to write less, mentor more
Author and political critic Catherine Lim. PHOTO: ST FILE

Author and political critic Catherine Lim announced on Friday that she will shut down her website to focus on mentoring young Singaporeans who are interested in discussing politics. In a post on her website, Ms Lim told her readers that she has decided to write fewer political commentaries and deliver fewer lectures, and will take on a "new role in the political arena". Instead of being a commentator, she will now be a "mentor and consultant to the young".

She said she made the decision as she had nothing more to say about the Government's persistent reliance "on fear as an instrument of control". "Since any more of my usual lectures and articles, with their usual themes, will only be tedious repetition in the current political transition, the logical follow-up action will be the imminent closure of my website," she said of the website that she had set up to share the pieces "the mainstream media were not willing to publish". Ms Lim added that she would invariably mention the late founding prime minister Lee Kuan Yew in her commentaries, as he was the "mainstay of the PAP governing style". But she did not want to make anymore critical comments about him, since he is no longer around to refute the comments. She said: "It would seem to me a breach of both social responsibility and human decency to make critical comments about someone when he is no longer around to refute them."

But Ms Lim added that she would continue to share her observations and views with fellow Singaporeans, as she has been doing for some time now, at informal "tea-and-chat sessions". "I will be keenly sharing my views and insights with like-minded, equally concerned Singaporeans, in the role of mentor and friend, and will be ready to take on, once more, the role of public writer and speaker, as and when the situation warrants it, which may be years hence," she said. In 1994, Ms Lim penned an essay published in The Straits Times about a divide between the People's Action Party and Singaporeans, which she termed a "great affective divide". More recently, in 2014, she wrote an open letter to Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong arguing that this divide had escalated into a "crisis of trust" between the PAP and the people. This was refuted by the Government in a letter from Singapore's Consul-General in Hong Kong Jacky Foo, published in The South China Morning Post. The newspaper had reported on Ms Lim's open letter. Mr Foo said in his letter that the Government has done much to improve people's lives, including addressing problems of income inequality, slowing social mobility and the middle-income squeeze in a "sustainable and responsible" way.


Politics not for me says author Catherine Lim
Author Catherine Lim laughs off proposal to set up political party

Her open letter to Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong last month caused a stir. In it, author Catherine Lim claimed that Singaporeans "no longer trust their Government and the Government no longer cares about regaining their trust". There was no rebuke from political leaders. No call for her to step into the political arena.

She told The New Paper: "Deep down, I suspect the Government actually respects integrity." "That's why the worst has not happened. When I speak up, no one calls me up." That wasn't the case in 1994. She wrote two articles - her analysis of the leadership styles - and received a strong response.

There were calls for her to step into the political ring if she wants to have her say. She did not. That will not change any time soon either. "I'm not fit for political office," she said. "I don't have the qualities and the talent. "More importantly, I don't have the inclination."


A Romance Writer Jabs at Singapore’s Patriarchs
"They leave me alone. They probably say, 'Oh, this woman is no threat.'"

IT is the dress, she said, that catches the eye, the long silk sheath with the slits in the sides that offers what she calls “a startling panorama of the entire landscape of the female form.” The dress is called a cheongsam, and the woman wearing it is Catherine Lim, 67, arguably the most vivid personality in strait-laced Singapore and, when she is not writing witty romantic novels or telling ghost stories, one of the government’s most acute critics. In a light, self-mocking, first-person novel called “Meet Me on the QE2!” she describes what she calls the strategic power of the dress, bright and playful to the eye but not as benign as it seems. “No other costume has quite managed this unique come hither/get lost blend,” she wrote in the 1993 book, which recounts her flirtations on a cruise ship with men who, in their masculine determination, look faintly silly.

The subject of her humor, she said, was not only the shipboard story, but also the government of Singapore. Sometimes called a nanny state for its heavy-handed top-down control, Singapore might also be called a macho state, in which government warriors of social engineering and economic development command the citizenry. In Ms. Lim’s political analysis, these efficient, no-nonsense leaders are respected but not loved by their people, whose allegiance is to the good life the leaders provide, rather than to the leaders themselves. This “great affective divide,” as she calls it, could deepen as a younger generation demands what some might term the more feminine qualities of the heart, soul and spirit. That view, which she first put forward 15 years ago in a pair of newspaper columns, still rankles among Singapore’s leaders, and its concept and vocabulary remain a framework for political discourse here today. 

MS. LIM has established herself as a leading voice for liberalism, and when newspapers shy away from printing her more pointed views in this heavily censored and self-censoring society, she posts them on her Web site, Catherinelim.sg. She continues to say things few others dare to. On her Web site a year ago, she belittled new, looser regulations over Internet speech as “a shrewd balancing act, both to reassure the people and to warn off the critics.” “For the first time in its experience,” she wrote of the governing People’s Action Party, “it would seem that the powerful P.A.P. government stands nonplused by an adversary.”


25 years after 'The Catherine Lim Affair', S'pore author Catherine Lim explains why she dropped off the radar
Almost Famous: This is also the story of how 'just a simple teacher' wound up getting a PhD, received pretty much the highest possible praise from LKY and is now becoming a teacher all over again

Truly, I cannot put a finger on how old I would estimate Catherine Lim to be. I mean, look at that picture — does that look like a 77-year-old to you?? It sure doesn't to me. Even more so when she tells me with all sincerity that not a single strand of her hair has ever turned paler than its current ebony.

On all three occasions I met her — once at her home too, by the way — before writing this, her make-up was always immaculate, her fashion and dress sense far more elegant than mine will ever be. More importantly, I would argue that her energy and enthusiasm, which appears to multiply with the number of people around her, exceeds that of a 25-year-old — never mind someone who is in their 30s (me).

Even more so when she tells me with all sincerity that not a single strand of her hair has ever turned paler than its current ebony. On all three occasions I met her — once at her home too, by the way — before writing this, her make-up was always immaculate, her fashion and dress sense far more elegant than mine will ever be. More importantly, I would argue that her energy and enthusiasm, which appears to multiply with the number of people around her, exceeds that of a 25-year-old — never mind someone who is in their 30s (me).



Singapore author Catherine Lim pens open letter to PM Lee
Catherine Lim receiving the Lifetime Achievement Award from Chiam See Tong and his wife, Lina Chiam. (Yahoo! photo)

"Dear Mr Prime Minister, we are in the midst of a crisis,” writes Singapore author and political commentator Catherine Lim. In a commentary published on her site on Saturday morning, Lim voiced her concern that “the people no longer trust their government, and the government no longer cares about regaining their trust”.

Lim, an acclaimed fiction writer, had in 1994 written a piece in The Straits Times that drew criticism from former Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew, among other political commentaries she has published since then. She noted that citizens have taken to the streets in “high-visibility, high-risk protest never seen before”, for instance in the use of graffiti, “strident” online criticism despite government warnings and threats, as well as an increased frequency of mass gatherings at Hong Lim Park’s Speakers’ Corner.

“With utmost respect, Sir, I must point out that it is ultimately your inability or unwillingness to listen to the people,” she wrote. “After your initial show of contrition and your ardent promises of change (immediately after the general election of 2011)… your government now seems to be hardening its position and going back to the old PAP (People’s Action Party) reliance on a climate of fear.” Lim addressed PM Lee’s ongoing assessment of damages suit with blogger Roy Ngerng, saying, “While you see yourself as simply going by the rules, Singaporeans see you as the PAP juggernaut ready to mow down the little people in its path”.


Consul-General rebuts HK report on open letter by Catherine Lim

A South China Morning Post (SCMP) report on Monday about novelist Catherine Lim’s comments in an open letter to Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong has drawn a sharp rebuttal from Mr Jacky Foo, Consul-General of Singapore in Hong Kong. SCMP’s report titled “Writer Catherine Lim’s open letter to Singaporean PM fuels social media debate” had quoted Dr Lim’s open letter to Mr Lee, in which she said Singaporeans “no longer trust their government”.

In a forum letter to the newspaper published yesterday, Mr Foo said Dr Lim had first asserted this claim in 1994, when the People’s Action Party (PAP) had won the 1991 General Election with 61 per cent of the vote. Since then, the ruling party has taken Singapore through a number of serious crises relatively unscathed and has won four further general elections by healthy margins, he pointed out. “But still, (Dr) Lim continues to regularly bemoan a collapse of trust and respect for the government,” he said.

In Dr Lim’s open letter published on her blog last Saturday, the political commentator observed that Singapore is “in (the) midst of a crisis where the people no longer trust their government, and the government no longer cares about regaining their trust”. People, she said, are resorting to forms of high-visibility and high-risk protest never seen before and this is spreading to involve large segments of the population. She also criticised Mr Lee’s defamation suit against blogger Roy Ngerng. Mr Foo refuted Dr Lim’s claim that the suit will further erode trust. “Mr Lee acted because the Government prizes integrity as the ultimate source of the trust it enjoys,” he said. “A leader who does nothing when he is accused of criminally misappropriating monies from the state pension system must engender mistrust in his honesty and leadership,” he said, adding that the accuser should have basis for the accusations.


Trust in Singaporean government remains high despite claims made by writer Catherine Lim
Catherine Lim in open missive to Lee Hsien Loong. Photos: SCMP, EPA

Your report, "Writer Catherine Lim's open letter to Singaporean PM fuels social media debate" (June 9), quotes the writer saying "Singaporeans no longer trust their leaders". Ms Lim first asserted this two decades ago in 1994. The ruling party had won the 1991 general election with 61 per cent of the vote. Ms Lim thought that was a poor performance and spied "a great affective divide" in Singapore between the government and the people.

Since then the ruling party has taken Singapore through a number of serious crises relatively unscathed - the 1997 Asian financial crisis, the outbreak of severe acute respiratory syndrome in 2003, and the 2008 global financial crisis. In addition, it has won four further general elections by healthy margins. But still Ms Lim continues to regularly bemoan a collapse of trust and respect for the government.
There are international benchmarks of trust in government. For example, the Edelman Trust Barometer found only 37 per cent of respondents in the United States trusted their government. The UK scores 42 per cent, and Hong Kong 45 per cent. Singapore scored a respectable 75 per cent. Of course, not all is perfect in Singapore. Like other developed societies, our middle class too feels the squeeze from globalisation. The government has openly acknowledged the problems of income inequality and slowing social mobility. It has done much to overcome them, and is doing more in a sustainable and responsible, not populist, way. That is why trust in government in Singapore remains high.

Ms Lim is also wrong to claim that Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong's defamation suit against a blogger will further erode trust. On the contrary, Mr Lee acted because the government prizes integrity as the ultimate source of the trust it enjoys. A leader who does nothing when he is accused of criminally misappropriating monies from the state pension system must engender mistrust in his honesty and leadership. The person making the accusations should have basis for the accusations, and should not be gratuitously lying. It is no coincidence that in countries where lies and false accusations are the stock in trade of public debate, people have a low opinion of all politicians, and a very low trust in their governments.



The PAP and the People – A Great Affective Divide

It is no secret that while the PAP Government has inspired in the people much respect for its efficiency and much gratitude for the good life as a result of this efficiency, there is very little in the way of affectionate regard.

It is also no secret that the Government is not much bothered by this attitude. The familiar PAP stance is: better to be unpopular and do a good job than to be popular and lead the country into chaos and ruin. At a time of peak economic prosperity and social stability, an estrangement between the government and the people must appear odd. Whence arises this Great Affective Divide?

The answer lies partly in Singapore’s history. In its early years, the PAP leadership faced enormous hardships including the traumatic expulsion from Malaysia, the earlier-than-expected withdrawal of the British forces resulting in the loss of thousands of jobs, the threat of Communist influence in the unions and schools and the increasing hostility of the Chinese-educated for the newly emerging, socially ascendant English-educated. On top of all these problems was the ultimately daunting one of nature’s remissness: a total lack of natural resources.


PAP: Ignore Catherine Lim at your peril

As I was awake very early that morning, I must be among the first to have read Catherine Lim open letter to the PM. I told nobody except wifey about it because I was completely confident it would go viral. What I wasn't sure of was if ST and the other local papers will print it. Given once bitten, twice shy from her early 90s article on the unforgettable great affective divide, I think patience is the better part of valor. I had no idea how this will play out until SCMP wrote it up for the Hong Kong and foreign audience. Now ST has taken the baton and ran with it two days ago.

Catherine chose PAP MPs speeches in parliament urging the rebuilding of trust as evidence of her thesis. My preferred example is the CPF. Money is the best object for testing trust. Clearly lots of people do not trust the government over their money locked in the CPF. I don't believe this government will steal it but there are other ways of legally taking more than your fair share especially when you have legislative powers. It is about government running the place by transferring as much risk as possible to us so that they are likely to come out successful. In lay terms, it is heads you win, tails I lose. WP Gerald Giam is very familiar with this PAP strategy. Sorry, but you can only have your cake and eat it for so long. Remember what Abe Lincoln said about fooling people? You got it.

Sure trust in government could be north of 75% if you are thinking about renewing your passports, fighting Aedes mozzies, keeping estates clean, water and electricity service availability, ambulance services, too many to enumerate. But remember regarding the promises of leaders, the trust is a convincing F grade. I had blogged about that using the same data source our CG in HK used to rebut Catherine Lim. Don't play this idiotic game with us because you will lose since too many voters do not know that they are crazy when they get worked up and emotional. It's simple. The PAP is more afraid of getting voted out than we are because they know the consequences much better and too many voters don't. In the past they use the tactic of fright and it worked but if they try that expired tactic again, they are likely to face voters' anger instead. It is the basic law of life that what used to work must eventually stop working. Half this government term has come and gone and they have not learned. Catherine Lim was a patriot and they returned her favor with utter insult.


Our Singapore Conversation: Bridging the Great Affective Divide

Singapore’s first state-organised, national scale public engagement exercise, The Next Lap, took place in the late 1980s and 1990s. Since then, the Singapore government has organised four more public participation exercises at the national level, all of which have followed critical political, social or economic ‘focusing events’. The two most recent engagement exercises, Our Singapore Conversation (OSC) in 2012 and SGfuture in 2015, were designed to be “markedly different” from previous national consultative engagements in their authenticity, inclusivity and emphasis on building mutual trust between government and citizens.

Some viewed OSC and SGfuture as attempts to address a perceived disconnect between Singaporeans and the government, which was run by the People’s Action Party (PAP). The PAP had enjoyed uninterrupted political dominance since forming Singapore’s first self-government in the 1950s and had seen Singapore through independence from Malaysia in 1965. Known for its pragmatic stance on policy and politics, the PAP’s primary goal in Singapore’s formative years had been to solve the material needs of the country’s citizens through rapid industrialization and economic growth. While Singapore had achieved a significant economic transformation under one generation of PAP leadership, some felt that economic growth had come with a cost: limited political democratization and freedom of speech as well as consensual politics. In 1994, Singaporean novelist Catherine Lim coined the term ‘Great Affective Divide’ to encapsulate Singaporeans’ growing sense of alienation from the PAP Government’s “uncompromising commitment to economic imperative”. Furthermore, many Singaporeans had expressed unhappiness over government policies in the early 2000s that they felt were misaligned with public sentiment, particularly regarding issues such as congestion in public transport, Singapore’s heavy reliance on foreign workers and rising home prices. The PAP experienced its worst ever electoral performance in the 2011 general elections, garnering only 60.1 per cent of the popular vote.

OSC and SGfuture aimed to regain Singaporeans’ trust through encouraging civic participation and by building social capital. In the process of conducting public engagement exercises that were different from previous ones, OSC and SGfuture organizers had to negotiate numerous policy dilemmas, the process of which had bearing on bridging the ‘Great Affective Divide’. This case study explores how OSC and SGfuture attempted to differentiate themselves from previous public engagement exercises, the challenges both exercises faced, and what came afterward.


The PAP and the people – A Great Affective Divide (1994)

IT IS no secret that while the PAP Government has inspired in the people much respect for its efficiency and much gratitude for the good life as a result of this efficiency, there is very little in the way of affectionate regard. It is also no secret that the Government is not much bothered by this attitude. The familiar PAP stance is: better to be unpopular and do a good job than to be popular and lead the country into chaos and ruin. At a time of peak economic prosperity and social stability, an estrangement between the government and the people must appear odd. Whence arises this Great Affective Divide?

The answer lies partly in Singapore’s history. In its early years, the PAP leadership faced enormous hardships including the traumatic expulsion from Malaysia, the earlier-than-expected withdrawal of the British forces resulting in the loss of thousands of jobs, the threat of Communist influence in the unions and schools and the increasing hostility of the Chinese-educated for the newly emerging, socially ascendant English-educated. On top of all these problems was the ultimately daunting one of nature’s remissness: a total lack of natural resources.

With characteristic energy and enthusiasm, the PAP leaders set about the task of taking the beleaguered country out of the woods. From the start, they decided that there was only one way to do it: establish the primacy of economic development and link it with political security to form a tight, incontrovertible equation of national survival, so that whatever fitted into the equation would be rigorously promoted and whatever threatened to disrupt it would be slapped down ruthlessly. Thus a linguistic and cultural issue –that of the English language – was resolved in its favour on the economic grounds that its adoption and use as the main language would enable the country to plug into world trade and technology. The dissenting voices of the Chinese educated were seen accordingly as subversive of the well-being of the country, and duly dealt with.


The PAP and the people - A Great Affective Divide

“The PAP and the people-A Great Affective Divide” is the title of a political commentary which was published in Singapore’s main newspaper, "The Straits Times", on 3 September 1994. It was written by Singaporean author Catherine Lim , who believed there existed a division in Singaporeans’ attitudes towards the ruling party in government, the People's Action Party (PAP). In the essay, she argued that while Singaporeans respected the PAP’s efficiency and were grateful towards it for bringing Singapore economic success, they lacked any real affection or warmth for the political party.

Lim suggested that this “affective divide” arose as a result of Singapore’s troubled history during the PAP’s early years. It led the PAP to make a commitment towards Singapore’s economic development as a way out of its problems, and to accordingly “slap down ruthlessly” "Lim, Catherine. “The PAP and the people—A Great Affective Divide”. In "The Straits Times". 03/09/94." any perceived potential threats to that aim. Such consistent commitment towards this goal requires “special qualities” of the government, like impersonality and a no-nonsense attitude, but they are what cause Singaporeans to see their leaders as lacking an “affective dimension” and feel isolated from them. In a related point, Lim mentioned that the PAP’s success in elections, being a result of the economic prosperity it has brought Singapore, could be complicated by the tendency of Singaporeans to equate the PAP with Singapore itself. Given the disaffection that Singaporeans had for the PAP, they would be unlikely to express any patriotism towards Singapore. Instead, they felt a loyalty towards neither their government nor country, but to the “good life which the country has come to represent”. Such a loyalty would be fickle and easily vanish, or be displaced, once the good times ended. Thus, Lim felt that the “affective divide” was a serious problem which could lead to a divorce of “head…from heart”, where Singaporeans seemed to support the Government but said otherwise in private. However, she thought the problem was a “two-way thing” "Tan, Sumiko. “Catherine Lim: Why I wrote Great Affective Divide article”. In "The Straits Times". 24/09/94." ] and would require a “co-operative solution” between the Government and the people.

The article, together with a second political commentary also by Lim which was published on 20 November, drew a harsh response from the Government. The then-Prime Minister (PM) Goh Chok Tong wrote to Lim that while he had not felt a need to respond to the first essay, "“PM tells Dr. Lim why he responded to commentary”. In "The Straits Times". 17/12/94." ] he “could not leave the second article unrebutted”. On 4 December, "The Straits Times" published a reply by the PM’s press secretary to Lim’s claims, which promised that the PM would respond “robustly” and “sharply” "“PM Goh remains committed to consultation and consensus politics”. In "The Straits Times". 04/12/94." ] to any attacks towards himself or his policies. The letter also called for Lim to “take responsibility for her views” and enter politics if she wished to continuing airing them. These remarks were later reiterated by PM Goh himself at a PAP function that same day. The controversy eventually led Lim to make a public statement in "The Straits Times" that, in writing those articles, she had only wished to share her feelings on what she felt to be a problem and had never had any intentions to “belittle or upset anyone”, [ "Lim, Catherine. “I wrote as a concerned Singaporean”. In "The Straits Times". 07/12/94." ] nor enter politics. Lim had also written a personal apology to PM Goh earlier, in which she expressed her “greatest respect and regard for your Government”. In a reply to Lim on 13 December, PM Goh then stated some of the OB markers which Singaporeans were allowed to discuss. They did not include, he said, “demolishing the respect for and standing of the Prime Minister and his government by systematic contempt and denigration in the media”.


DR CATHERINE LIM: THE PAP AND THE PEOPLE — A GREAT AFFECTIVE DIVIDE

It is no secret that while the PAP Government has inspired in the people much respect for its efficiency and much gratitude for the good life as a result of this efficiency, there is very little in the way of affectionate regard.

It is also no secret that the Government is not much bothered by this attitude. The familiar PAP stance is: better to be unpopular and do a good job than to be popular and lead the country into chaos and ruin. At a time of peak economic prosperity and social stability, an estrangement between the government and the people must appear odd. Whence arises this Great Affective Divide?

The answer lies partly in Singapore’s history. In its early years, the PAP leadership faced enormous hardships including the traumatic expulsion from Malaysia, the earlier-than-expected withdrawal of the British forces resulting in the loss of thousands of jobs, the threat of Communist influence in the unions and schools and the increasing hostility of the Chinese-educated for the newly emerging, socially ascendant English-educated. On top of all these problems was the ultimately daunting one of nature’s remissness: a total lack of natural resources.


Catherine Lim: The Great Affective Divide
IN VICTORY, MAGNANIMITY, NOT RECRIMINATION: AN OPEN LETTER TO THE PRIME MINISTER

Sir, it was with much dismay that I read the report ‘Blogger ordered to pay PM 150k in damages’ in the Straits Times of 18 December 2015. I was less struck by the specifics of a court case that Singaporeans must have been following with great interest over the months – the standpoints taken by the contending parties, the various judicial processes, the assessment of damages to be paid to the plaintiff – than by one stark fact: once again, Sir, your powerful government is putting to use its most powerful instrument for silencing critics, namely, the defamation suit.

This dreaded instrument that had been created in a past era to punish political opponents specifically and instil fear in the people generally, could not have appeared at a more inappropriate time. For this is supposedly a period of sweeping change and new connection with the people, following the PAP’s resounding victory in a highly fraught general election. Charged with new energy, the government has been engaged in a massive exercise of goodwill and generous giving to the people, firstly to consolidate and strengthen the support that they had given in the election, and secondly, to lead them, during this crucial period of transition, into a new era of PAP leadership that promises to be even better connected with their needs and aspirations.

In such a celebratory climate of amity and unity, the continuing use of a political tool that Singaporeans have come to associate with the least attractive, nay, the most repulsive aspect of PAP rule, must surely inject a discordant note. What does all this mean?